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富兰克林·罗斯福英语演讲稿
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富兰克林·罗斯福英语演讲稿
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Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:
I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a
moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the
word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has
American security been as seriously threatened from without as
it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under
the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our
history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately,
only one of these——the four—year war between the States—
—ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God,
130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the
compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been
disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged
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in two wars with European nations and in a number of
undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in
the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the
principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious
threat been raised against our national safety or our continued
independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United
States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition——
clear, definite opposition——to any attempt to lock us in behind
an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization
went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children,
we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part
of the Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all these years,
was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter
century of wars following the French Revolution. While the
Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States
because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in
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Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to
vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that
neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was
aiming at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914——ninety—nine
years——no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real
threat against our future or against the future of any other
American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign
power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the
strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly
strength; it is still a friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to
contain only small threat of danger to our own American future.
But as time went on, as we remember, the American people
began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations
might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of
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Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to
deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should
remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the
kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and
which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that
seeks to spread over every continent today. The American
people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way
of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of
the world——assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of
poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and
promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long
months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of
democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations,
great and small. And the assailants are still on the march,
threatening other nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional
duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the
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union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and
the safety of our country and of our democracy are
overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being
gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the
population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa
and Austral—Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us
remember that the total of those populations in those four
continents, the total of those populations and their resources
greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources
of the whole of the Western Hemisphere——yes, many times
over.
In times like these it is immature——and, incidentally,
untrue——for anybody to brag that an unprepared America,
single—handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold
off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace
international generosity, or return of true independence, or
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world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of
religion——or even good business. Such a peace would bring
no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give
up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve
neither liberty nor safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft—
hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft—headed. We must
always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling
cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially
beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the
wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of
modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical
attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations
win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate
and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as
the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even
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if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy
would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the
United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it
had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in
Europe——particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential
seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a
series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this
hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The
necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents
and by their dupes——and great numbers of them are already
here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations
maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the
place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is
today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the
Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of
the executive branch of the government and every member of
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the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The
need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be
devoted primarily——almost exclusively——to meeting this
foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of
the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based
upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our
fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign
affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the
dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of
morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this:
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and
without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all—
inclusive national defense.
Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will
and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full
support of all those resolute people everywhere who are
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resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our
hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that
the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the
defense and the security of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and
without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the
proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our
own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace
dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know
that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other
people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial
difference between the two great parties in respect to that
national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the
American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that
American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting
speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving
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increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and
labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have
been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of
time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are
slight but not serious delays. And in some cases——and, I am
sorry to say, very important cases——we are all concerned by
the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial
progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving
and speeding up our methods of production with every passing
day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men
in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability,
and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus
far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too
low, our objective is quicker and better results.
To give you two illustrations:
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We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.
We are working day and night to solve the innumerable
problems and to catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are
working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime
production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime
production of implements of war is no small task. And the
greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when
new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new
shipways must first be constructed before the actual material
begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed
at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is
certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize,
which, in the interests of our own security and those of the
nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in
confidence.
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New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for
our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new
appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have
begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds
sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies
of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now
in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and
immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for
ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need
billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them
all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they
must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the
weapons which we know they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars
with which to pay for these weapons——a loan to be repaid in
dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations
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to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting
their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their
material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own
defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities,
considering what is best for our own security, we are free to
decide how much should be kept here and how much should be
sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic
resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own
defense.
For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within
a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in
similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds
which they can produce and which we need.
Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally
concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our
energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you
the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send
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you in ever—increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns.
That is our purpose and our pledge."
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by
the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of
international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies
which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid——Such aid is
not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim
it so to be.
And when the dictators——if the dictators——are ready to
make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our
part.
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the
Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a
new one—way international law, which lacks mutuality in its
observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression.
The happiness of future generations of Americans may well
depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our
aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency
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situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's
hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the
sacrifices that the emergency——almost as serious as war
itself——demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and
efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must
give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from
all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of
business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in
stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own
group.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble—
makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic
example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government
to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by
armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those
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behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and
the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner
of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are
calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth
fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from
the things which have been done to make its people conscious of
their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in
America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people,
have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the
institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about
the social and economic problems which are the root cause of
the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the
world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of
a healthy and strong democracy.
The basic things expected by our people of their political
and economic systems are simple. They are:
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Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few.
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment——The enjoyment of the fruits of
scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of
living.
These are the simple, the basic things that must never be
lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our
modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic
and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which
they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for
immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old—
age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical
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care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving
or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the
willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A
part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes.
In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion
of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we
are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get
rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in
accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our
eyes to guide our legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles the voters,
putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their
applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look
forward to a world founded upon four essential human
freedoms.
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The first is freedom of speech and expression——
everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in
his own way——everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want, which, translated into
world terms, means economic understandings which will secure
to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants——
everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into
world terms, means a world—wide reduction of armaments to
such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will
be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against
any neighbor——anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite
basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and
generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so—
called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create
with the crash of a bomb.
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To that new order we oppose the greater conception——
the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world
domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history we have been
engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a
revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to
changing conditions without the concentration camp or the
quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the
cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly,
civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads
and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in
freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the
supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to
those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our
strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
罗斯福演讲稿：四大自由 (中文版)
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总统先生，议长先生，第七 xx 届国会的成员：
我你的地址，这个新的国会议员，在联盟的历史上前
所未有的时刻。我用“空前的”，因为以前没有已被视为美国
的安全受到严重威胁从没有像今天。
由于永久性形成了我国政府在宪法中的 1789，大部分
在我国历史上危机时期国内事务有关的。而且，幸运的
是，其中只有一个——国家之间的战争 4 年——威胁过我
们的民族团结。今天，感谢上帝，130000000 的美国人在
48 个国家已经忘记了指南针在国家的统一。
这是真的，之前的 1914 美国经常被其他大洲事件干
扰。我们甚至已经与欧洲国家进行过两场战争，在西印度
群岛中一些未宣战的战争，在地中海和太平洋，为维护美
国的权利以及和平贸易的原则。但是没有一个严重的威
胁，提出了对我们国家的安全和持续的独立性。
我想要说的是，美国作为一个国家已在所有时间保持
反对党——清楚历史真相，明确反对——任何企图把我们
锁在一个古老的中国墙的后面，而游行的文明到过去。今
天，考虑到我们的孩子和他们的孩子，我们反对强制隔
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离，为自己或为美洲的其他任何部分。
我们的决心，在过去的这些年，被证明，例如，在早
期的战争的四分之一世纪在法国革命之后。虽然拿破仑的
斗争，并威胁到了美国的利益，因为在西印度群岛的法国
的立足点，在路易斯安那，当我们从事 1812 战争来维护我
们的和平贸易的权利，它仍然是明确的，无论是法国或英
国或其他国家都不可能主宰整个世界。
和喜欢时尚，从 1815 到 1914——九十九年——没有一
个单一的战争在欧洲或亚洲的一个真正的威胁，对我们未
来的或与美国其他民族的未来构成。
除了在墨西哥的马西米兰的插曲，没有外国势力试图
建立自己在这个半球。在大西洋的英国舰队实力一直友好
的力量;它仍然是一个友好的力量。
即使世界大战爆发于 1914，它似乎只包含小的危险，
我们美国的未来。但随着时间的推移，我们记得，美国人
民开始想象什么民主国家的垮台意味着我们自己的民主。
我们不必过分强调凡尔赛和约的缺陷。我们不需要强
调民主的失败来解决世界重建问题。我们应该记住，1919
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的和平比绥靖开始甚至在慕尼黑这种不公平的，而且这是
正在进行的新的专制秩序，寻求遍布各大洲今天下。美国
人民坚定不移地反对那种专制。
我想，每一个现实主义者都知道，民主的生活方式在
这一刻被直接地在世界的每一个部分——攻击或是武器或
是秘密的那些试图破坏团结，促进不和在仍处于和平的各
国有毒的宣传。在 16 个月的时间内，这种攻击已涂抹在独
立的国家数目惊人的民主生活的整体格局，大的和小的。
这些攻击者还在进军，威胁其他国家，大的和小的。
因此，作为你们的总统，履行宪法赋予我的职责”给了
联盟国家的国会的信息，“我很不幸的是必要的报告，我们
国家的未来和安全以及我们的民主制度是压倒性的参与远
远超出我们的边境事件。
民主捍卫着现在四大洲的人民正在勇敢。如果辩护失
败，所有的人口与欧洲和亚洲的所有资源，非洲及澳洲将
被征服者。让我们记住这四大洲的人口总数，总的人口和
资源大大超过了人口的总和，西半球的整个资源——是
的，很多次。
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在这样的时代是不成熟和不真实的——，顺便说一
句，任何人吹牛说一个还没有准备好的美国，独自用一只
手绑在背后，可以控制整个世界。
任何现实的美国人都不能期望从一个独裁的和平国际
慷慨，或恢复真正的独立，或世界裁军，或言论自由，或
宗教信仰自由——甚至是良好的业务。这样的和平将给我
们或者我们的邻国带来不安全。那些愿意放弃基本自由来
换取一点临时安全的人不配享有自由和安全。
作为一个国家，我们可以在事实上，我们是仁慈的骄
傲;但我们不能成为愚蠢。我们必须永远警惕那些敲锣打鼓
宣传“主义”的绥靖政策。我们必须特别小心那一小撮自私自
利的人会夹美国鹰的翅膀为了中饱私囊。
我最近曾指出，现代战争的节奏多快能把我们中间的
物理攻击，我们最终必须如果独裁国家打赢这场战争的期
望。
我们立即和直接浸润的免疫多谈松飘洋过海。显然，
只要英国海军保留它的力量，这样的危险是不存在的。即
使没有英国海军，也没有任何敌人会蠢到登陆部队在美国
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穿越几千里的海洋攻击我们，直到它已获得了可使用的战
略基地。
但是我们学到很多来自欧洲的过去几年的经验教训—
—特别是挪威的教训，他们主要的港口被背叛和惊喜的是
建立在一系列的年。这个半球入侵的第一阶段将不定期的
军队登陆。该战略的要点是要通过占领特务和他们的愚弄
——他们中的许多已经在这里和拉丁美洲的美国。只要侵
略国保持进攻他们，不是我们，将选择的时间、地点和他
们的攻击方法。
这就是为何美国的将来受到威胁。这就是为什么这一
年一度的国会咨文是我国历史上独一无二的。这就是为什
么政府的行政部门和国会的每位成员都面临着巨大的责
任，重大的责任。需要的时刻，我们的行动和我们的政策
应该是主要的——几乎专门应对外部的威胁。因为我们所
有的国内问题，现在是伟大的紧急的一部分。
正如我们在内政方面的国家政策是以尊重的权利和在
我们的大门对所有同胞的尊严，所以我们在外交方面的国
家政策是基于尊重所有国家的权利与尊严，大的和小的。
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正义的道德将会获得最终的胜利。
这是我们的国家政策：
首先，根据公众意志的令人印象深刻的表达和不考虑
党派之争，我们致力于全面的国防。
其次，根据公众意志的令人印象深刻的表达和不考虑
党派之争，我们致力于所有这些人都是谁坚决抵抗侵略从
而使战争远离我们的半球的全力支持。通过这种支持我们
表达我们的民主事业必胜的决心，我们加强我国自身的防
务和安全。
第三，根据公众意志的令人印象深刻的表达和不考虑
党派之争，我们致力于命题，为了我们自己的安全和道德
的考虑原则将不会允许我们默许和平由侵略者支配、由
两。我们知道，持久和平是不能购买成本的其他人的自
由。
在最近的国家选举中没有实质性的差异之间的两大政
党在国家政策上。没有问题进行了这一行之前，美国的选
民。今天，很明显，美国公民都要求和支持快速和完整的
明显的危险识别作用。
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因此，当务之急是迅速增加我们的军械生产。工业和
劳工领袖回应我们的召唤。速度的目标已经确定。在某些
情况下，这些目标是达到提前。在某些情况下，我们按计
划;在其他情况下，有轻微的滞后但不严重。在一些情况下
——，我很抱歉，非常重要的方面——我们所有的计划完
成的慢度有关。
陆军和海军，然而，在过去一年取得了巨大的进步。
实际经验是改进和加快生产方式与我们每一天。今天最好
的不够好，明天。
我不满意迄今取得的进展。项目的负责人是最好的训
练，能力，和爱国主义。他们不满意迄今取得的进展。没
有人会满意直到任务完成。
不论最初的目标定得太高或太低，我们的目标是更
快，更好的结果。
给你两个插图：
我们的进度落后生产出成品的飞机。我们正在夜以继
日地工作，为了解决无数的问题，赶上。
我们在建立军舰提前，但我们的工作也得到了进一步
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的计划。
要改变整个国家的和平与战争时的生产基础实施平时
生产的基础是不小的任务。和最大的困难是在程序开始
时，新工具，新的工厂设施，新的装配线，新船台首先必
须构建实际材料开始流动稳步前迅速从他们。
当然，国会，必须时刻知晓的计划进度。然而，有一
定的信息，作为国会也能够认识到，其中，在我们自己的
安全和利益的国家，我们支持，必须要保密。
新情况不断带来新的需要为我们的安全。我将要求国
会大量增加新的拨款和授权继续进行我们已经开始。
我还要求国会权威和足够的资金来制造更多的子弹和
各种战争物资，对这些国家现在的战争是侵略与实际国
家。我们最有效和最直接的作用是作为他们的一个阿森纳
和我们自己。他们不需要人力，但他们需要数十亿美元的
国防武器。
不久之后他们将无法用现金偿还。我们不能，我们不
会，告诉他们必须投降只是因为他们无力支付的武器，我
们知道他们必须拥有。
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我不建议我们让他们的美元贷款，用以支付这些武器
——要偿还的贷款。我建议我们可以使那些国家继续在美
国获得战争物资，拟合其命令为我们自己的计划。而几乎
所有的材料，如果时间来过，有利于我们自己的防卫。
以咨询军事专家们，考虑什么是最适合我们自己的安
全，我们可以自由地决定多少应保持在这里，多少应该送
到国外对我们的朋友，他们的决心和英勇的抵抗，给我们
的时间来使自己的防御准备。
我们送出国我们应当偿还，偿还在合理的时间后，敌
对的接近，类似的材料偿还，或在我们的选择的其他各种
物质可以产生我们需要的。
让我们说：“我们美国人的民主自由在你的防御非常关
注。我们将提出我们的精力，我们的资源，我们的组织能
力，给你力量恢复和维持一个自由的世界。我们要把你的
数量在不断增加，船舶，飞机，坦克，大炮。这是我们的
目标和承诺。”
为了实现这个目标，我们不会被吓倒的独裁的威胁，
他们将之视为违反国际法或作为民主国家哪敢反抗侵略的
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战争我们的援助法案。这样的援助——这样的援助不是战
争行为，即使一个独裁应该单方面的这样做。
当独裁们——如果独裁——准备向我们开战，他们不
会等待我们的行动的一部分战争。
他们并不等待挪威和比利时和荷兰来的战争。他们唯
一感兴趣的是一个新的单向国际法，而它的惯例不相关，
因此成为压迫的工具。未来几代美国人的幸福取决于我们
如何有效而迅速地使我们的援助感到。没有人能告诉怎样
的紧急情况，我们可能会被要求满足。国家的手不得在国
家命脉垂危的时候，把。
是的，我们必须做好准备，我们所有的准备，作出牺
牲，紧急——几乎和战争本身一样严重的——要求。无论
站在这样的速度和效率，在防守方面，任何形式的防御准
备，必须让国家的需要。
一个自由的国家有权要求所有团体充分合作。一个自
由的国家有权期望商界领袖的劳动力，农业，并带头努
力，但不是在其他群体自己组内的。
处理在我们中间的那些懒鬼和麻烦制造者的最好方法
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是，首先，用爱国的例子去羞辱他们，如果失败，使用政
府主权政府的拯救。
正如人不能单靠面包生活，他们不光靠武器战斗。我
们这些人谁的抗辩和防御背后谁建立我们必须有毅力和勇
气来自不可动摇的信念在他们正在保卫的生活方式。我们
呼吁不能基于无视所有的强有力的行动。
国家非常满意和强度已经完成，让人民意识到在美国
的民主生活的保存他们的个人利益的事情。那些人纤维增
韧的，革新了他们的信心，增强了他们对所要保护的。
当然，这是没有时间为任何人停止有关的社会革命，
是当今世界上最高的因素造成的社会和经济问题的思考。
有关于健康和强大的民主国家的基础没有什么神秘的。
最基本的东西，他们预期到我们的政治和经济系统中
的人都是简单的。他们是：
青年平等机会和别人。
对于那些能够工作的工作。
对于那些需要它的安全。
为结束少数人的特权。
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保护所有人的公民自由权。
享受的——更广泛和不断上升的生活标准享受科学进
步的果实。
这些都是简单的，千万不要在我们这个混乱和令人难
以置信的复杂的现代世界失去了最基本的东西。我国的经
济和政治体制的内在和持久的力量，取决于他们在何种程
度上满足这些期望。
许多人与我国社会经济需要立即改善。为例：
我们应该让更多的公民的养老和失业保险的覆盖下。
我们应该扩大医疗保险的机会。
我们应该计划一个更好的系统，哪些人值得或需要有
报酬的工作可以得到它。
我已经要求个人牺牲，我放心，几乎所有的美国人响
应号召的意愿。牺牲部分的方式缴纳更多的税款。在我的
预算案的消息，我会建议这个伟大的防御计划更大的部分
是由税收支付，比我们今天所支付的。没有人应该尝试，
或可以致富的计划，并与支付能力按照纳税原则应当继续
指导着我们的立法。
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如果国会认为这些原则的选民，把爱国主义前面口
袋，将给你掌声。
在未来的日子里，我们力求安定，我们期待一个建立
在四项人类基本自由的世界。
第一是言论和表达的自由——在世界各地。
第二是每个人以自己的方式崇拜上帝的自由——在世
界各地。
第三是免于匮乏的自由，其中，翻译成世界经济的理
解，这将确保每一个国家的居民健康的和平生活——在世
界各地。
第四是免于恐惧的自由，其中，从全球的角度说，意
味着世界范围的裁军是如此彻底的方式，没有一个国家有
能力做任何邻居的身体攻击行为——在世界任何地方。
这不是幻想中的一个遥远的千年。这是我们自己的时
间和产生一种世界达到一定的基础。这种世界的所谓“新秩
序”的对立面专制独裁企图用炸弹的威力创造。
这一新的订单我们反对伟大的观念——道德秩序。一
个好的社会计划能够面对世界统治和外国革命而无所畏
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惧。
美国有史以来我们一直在变化，在一个永久的和平革
命，这场革命，稳步地，悄悄地，适应变化中的情况没有
集中营或生石灰沟。我们所寻求的世界秩序，是自由国家
之间的合作，共同在一个友好的工作，文明社会。
这个国家把它的命运掌握在手和头的千百万自由男女
的心中，并在其自由信仰的神指导下。自由意味着任何地
方人权至上。我们支持那些奋斗争取这些权利，让他们。
我们的优势在于我们目标一致。
那个高的概念可以有没有尽头的胜利。
